Chapter 6: Stanisława Wieczorek
Hospital. A bath. Clean bedsheets. Three meals a day. Friendly
faces. Polite doctors and nurses.
Everybody smiling at the youngster who had
"lost his parents during the Uprising" and nearly
starved to death. No one suspected that I was a Jew. My
Polish was faultless, without any trace of a Jewish accent.
My physical examination was quite superficial: auscultation of the
heart and lungs, a quick look into the throat
and at the tongue, and palpation of the abdomen. Luckily,
nobody told me to undress completely. The food was
appropriate for my diarrhea, and within several days my bowels were
functioning normally. I started gaining weight. An orderly
offered to wash my clothes ("these stinking pants"), and for an
additional small charge promised to disinfect in formalin.
Gabriel had given me some money in Warsaw, so
without knowing anything about formalin, I gladly
paid the orderly.
Upon discharge from the hospital I was transferred to the camp
for Warsaw refugees. Responsibility for
the camp's proper functioning was shared by the Polish Red
Cross and the Principal Protective Council (Rada Glowna Opiekuncza). It
was located at the outskirts of Czestochowa, and consisted
of a row of wooden barracks, each one accommodating
several hundred people. Each person had a place on a
wooden sleeping platform and one thin blanket. The platforms were
arranged in long rows, three levels high. I got a place on the
upper level (the third "floor"), at the far end of the
row. It was October and the nights were cold. There were no
facilities for bathing. The sight of parents cleaning their
children's heads of lice was common.
Near-starvation meals were distributed three times a day. Doctors came
at regular times to see the ill; among them I recognized
several from the Infant Jesus
Hospital. A Roman Catholic priest visited us daily for prayers,
confessions, occasional last rites, and other spiritual needs.
The poverty was overwhelming. Under those living conditions, anyone
who could afford it moved to a rented
apartment, or to relatives or friends, if
such could be found. Many Warsaw evacuees had made
earlier arrangements, and never arrived in the camp. Those
who arrived and stayed were the poorest of the
poor: people who could afford neither decent living
quarters, nor food. Among them, there were probably some
from well-to-do homes, who had lost everything during the destruction
of Warsaw, and had no relatives in this part of
the country. Into these depths of misery, the good
residents of Czestochowa came daily and brought food, blankets
and clothing.
For me, a light suddenly appeared at the end of this tunnel. It came in
the form of three women: Mrs. Placek, her mother Mrs.
Sommerfeld and her maid Jasia Wieczorek. Mrs. Placek and her husband
owned a pharmacy at Kusciuszko Avenue. At least one of the three
women came every day; more often, two came together. They
immediately took notice of me. The other children in the camp
were with their parents. A child on his own
attracted more attention. They brought special
meals just for me, and after several days
invited me to the Placek home for lunch.
This invitation was repeated several times, and finally was converted
to a permanent one: lunch every day. The long walks to the
Placek’s home and back to the camp were a good exercise
after 17 months of near-immobilization in the Savior's Square in
Warsaw. Also, I became a frequent visitor of
Mrs. Sommerfeld, helping her husband with various
chores at their home. The Placeks suggested that I
look for some long-term arrangement.
Winter was approaching, and the camp was a terrible place.
The Red Cross and the Principal Protective Council (RGO) made appeals
to the peasants in nearby villages, asking them for shelter and
food for the refugees, in exchange for help on their farms. Some of the
peasants responded positively. They were
willing to accept youngsters who would stay with them and
work. I was assigned to a family named Kazik in
Rudniki, 12 km (a little over 7 miles) northeast of
Czestochowa. And so, after having spent about two weeks in
the camp, I packed my belongings, took some food, and
departed to Rudniki by foot.
Unfortunately, I had greatly overestimated my
physical fitness after 2 months of starvation. The 12 km hike, which
should have been completed in 3 hours, took me all day. My
bag felt heavier with every step I took. I
arrived exhausted, hungry and badly depressed.
The reality of my new home did nothing to lift my spirits. The Kaziks
lived with their three small children in a simple one-room hut, in
which all cooking, eating and sleeping was done. The hygienic
conditions were deplorable. They never undressed for the night.
"Washing" meant wetting their faces in the morning, which Mr. Kazik
invariably did fully dressed, with his cap on his head. Cleaning
the children's heads of lice was a daily routine. Their meals consisted
of boiled potatos with sour milk twice a day, and were the same for
everybody. I was not singled out in any unfavorable way. I must
admit that after my experience with starvation, these
meals were not so bad, but I was still permanently
hungry.
I was supposed to watch over the Kazik’s two cows as they
grazed. By anyone's standards this was not hard work, but
for me, without any experience, it was almost unbearable.
Whenever the clever cows saw me, they ran away to a far-away field, and
I was terribly afraid of losing them. They were, after
all, the Kaziks' main possession. Running
after the cows, I became exhausted,
barely able to catch my breath, and I cried and cursed the cows.
After every such episode, the Kaziks sent their little boy, 3 years
old, to bring the cows back. He did so without any
difficulty. The Kaziks were amused by my correct
Polish. They spoke the slang of the local peasants
with complete disregard for grammar, pronunciation
and syntax. They looked at me
sarcastically, and I often heard
comments about "the city intellectual who speaks
like a poet, but cannot catch a cow. Our baby son is
so much more useful!". Indeed, he was. My unhappiness increased,
and within several days I decided to return to
Czestochowa. The Kaziks did not shed any tears upon
my departure. They were happy at my decision, and wished me
well, giving me some bread for the return hike.
In Czestochowa I returned to the refugee camp. With the approach of
winter, many people there had increased their efforts to leave the
camp, and during my absence, the population had thinned out. Upon my
return I promptly contacted the Placeks, telling them about my
unhappy experiences in the country, and asking for their
advice. They were concerned and wanted to help. Jasia, their
maid, told her parents about me, and a few days later they offered me a
place at their home. I accepted gratefully, and
joined Jasia's family, this time leaving the camp permanently.
The head of the family, Jozef Wieczorek, was about 60 years old. He
worked and supported the family. I do not remember his occupation, but
the family supplemented their income by plaiting baskets from
cane, in which everybody participated, and I too
became actively involved. There were three
children: Jasia, Antek and Stasia. Jasia,
Mrs. Placek's maid, was in her
twenties, hard working and kind. Antek was 18 years
old, and wild. I did not like his
friends, and was a little frightened of them. Stasia was 16
or 17, worked hard at home, and was always very sad.
Stanisława Wieczorek was Jozef's second wife, and did not have
children of her own. She was
an intelligent woman, and understood that one
of her main functions was to provide a good upbringing for
her husband’s children. Therefore, she tried to be close
to them, to help and educate, and
frequently offered criticism and advice. But the
children never accepted her as their mother,
and her attempts were met with
resistance, creating constant tension. Antek in particular was
arrogant and offensive to her. Stanisława Wieczorek read books. She
had clear-cut political views, which were
conservative. She (as indeed everybody in
the Wieczorek family) did not like Jews. Antisemitic jokes
were frequent.
Religion was very much the center of family life. Every Sunday
the family attended Mass. I often accompanied
them, but sometimes went alone, to a different
church. Everybody prayed before meals, before sleep, and upon
rising.
Czestochowa is a great pilgrimage attraction and the center of
religious life in Poland. The famous Jasna Gora Monastery houses a
famous picture of the Virgin Mary, believed by many to have
miraculous powers. Terminally ill people
and invalids come to the Czestochowa Virgin to
pray, hoping to recover from prolonged and incurable illnesses.
It is the Polish equivalent of the shrine of the Virgin of
Lourdes in France. The proximity to Jasna Gora with its
miraculous picture is the main reason for the
deep religious feeling of the local population. Shops
with devotional articles abound and are an important source
of income for local residents.
The monastery founded in the 14 century has a very rich and interesting
history, and is the city's main tourist attraction. It provided
the center of national and religious support during the wars with
Sweden in the 17 and early 18 century. Serving as an important
fortress, it was badly damaged and nearly conquered by the
Swedes in 1655. Many in Poland considered its
ability to withstand the prolonged siege
miraculous. This spiritual support continued
through later centuries, particularly during the 123 years
of partition, when Poland was divided up between its three
powerful neighbors. As all of my time was free, I visited
Jasna Gora several times, entering all its churches,
chapels and museums. I was deeply impressed by its
majestic appearance and rich collections.
Walking the streets gave me many opportunities to see interesting
things, not always pleasant. There was the
HASAG camp, where Jewish slave labor was used
for the needs of the German military machine, mainly in the
munitions factory. It was located on the
eastern outskirts of the town, in the Zawodzie
section, behind the river Warta. Heavily guarded groups of Jews from
HASAG were led to the city, for labor. I saw them on
a number of occasions; they reminded me of the prisoners of
Janowska camp in Lwow, and sent chills down my spine. I also saw Polish
prisoners of war laboring while guarded by German
soldiers.
I also met youngsters, whom I tried to avoid, but they often approached
me. One looked at my semitic face and
asked with suspicion whether I was a Christian. Did he
really expect me to tell him the truth? Of course, I
"confirmed" my Aryan origins and good Christian faith. Another lad
looked at me, and all of a sudden shouted "Jewboy!". I
did not react, and later avoided that street. However, in
contrast to Warsaw, I was not aware of any instances
of blackmailing. I never heard about
anyone demanding gorals, perhaps, because the
phenomenon of Jews hiding among Christians was most unusual in
Czestochowa. Nobody asked me why I was not in
school; staying out of school was common at this late stage
of war, particularly among youngsters in their mid-teens.
One day in November, during one of my walks, I had a wonderful
surprise. In the street, walking towards me,
was Uncle Gabriel. We were both equally surprised and very
happy, but we behaved in a very
restrained way, in order not to attract
attention. Since we had lost contact in Warsaw, on
the way to the transit camp in Pruszkow, neither of us had
known anything about the other’s whereabouts. Nor did we know
anything about Tosia and Leszek. It turned out that Gabriel
had been on the same train to Czestochowa that I had,
but in a different car, and so we had not met.
He had not stayed in the refugee camp, but had
managed to find a cheap room with a family in the
center of town. He took me to his home, where
we conversed for a long time,
discussed the political situation, exchanged
addresses, and decided to keep close contact from then on. He
gave me some money, part of which I immediately spent on a pair
of shoes.
I had been using one pair of shoes since 1942. They were now
several years old, torn beyond
repair, and served more as decoration than protecting
the feet. I bought a pair of cheap, war-style
wooden clogs. The sole was a
smoothed-out 30 cm segment of board; the upper part was made of
coarse leather. The wooden sole did not bend, which made walking
uncomfortable. However, better shoes were still beyond my means. Later,
during the winter, I discovered that
because of wood's poor conductivity, these shoes were
good at keeping in heat, and my feet stayed warm. My pants were also
torn in several places, and new holes appeared every
day. But with my limited financial
resources, I sewed the holes as best I could, and waited for the end of
the war to get a new pair of trousers.
When I became 15 years old, I needed an official identification card
("Kennkarte"). I went to the German-controlled Citizen Registration
Office and applied for one. As legal
basis for obtaining the card, I presented my birth
certificate and school identification card, both "made
to order" and purchased by my father in Lwow. My
documents did not arouse suspicion, and an
identification card was issued in the name of
Jozef Balicki, with my photograph on it (
Fig. 32). So finally,
toward the end of the war, I was properly registered and equipped
with a genuine document.
Fig. 32: My German Identification Card
Living at the Wieczorek home, I was treated like a member of the
family. This meant participating in
various religious activities, such as attending church and
praying before sleep. I tried to copy the
others as best I could. Before sleep,
everybody prayed while kneeling, and so did
I. One evening, when I had just finished my prayers, Mrs.
Wieczorek quietly told me, “You are supposed
to kneel in front of a cross or picture of a
saint, not somebody's photograph.”. I realized that I
had committed a cardinal error. I thought
that it was the kneeling itself that counted,
not realizing that it was the expression of honoring
God. I was very alarmed. In an instant it became clear to me that
Mrs. Wieczorek was warning me. She had seen me
several times before, kneeling and praying in front of some
family photograph or a landscape picture, but did not want to
draw the others’ attention to my mistake. Therefore, she had
waited until the two of us were alone, and then gently
pointed out my blunder. She was very kind and
tactful. The word Jew was not uttered and she did not mention her
suspicion. A suspicion? She must have known for a
long time that I was a Jew and protected me from her own family. I was
very greatful that she did not ask me directly about my origins,
because, if confronted, I would have found it most
difficult to lie to her. For a long time I avoided looking into
her eyes.
Another related episode occurred a short time later. On entering into
the role of Jozef Balicki, a Roman Catholic, I
conditioned myself not to admit that my
father was a businessman - an occupation common among
Jews in pre-war Poland. The father of Jozef
Balicki was a police officer, a
thoroughly Catholic occupation in Poland. Antek was impressed by
this, and one day, while we ate lunch, asked me
about my father's rank in the police. Without
hesitation, I answered "Captain". This surprised him very
much: According to my documents, we had
lived in Zborow, the little town where the taxicab breakdown had
occurred on our way to Zbaraz on September 3, 1939. "Was there a
Captain in the police force of Zborow?", asked Antek. I
answered, this time hesitatingly: “Well, maybe
he was a lieutenant...”. Stanisława Wieczorek, realizing
that I was getting into trouble,
interfered: “Antek, why won't you leave Jozek alone; how
can he remember what his father's rank was so many years
ago?”. Antek shut his mouth and stopped bothering
me. Stanisława's intervention saved me in an instant. Can there
be any doubt that she knew who I was, and protected me?
Until today, any mention of Czestochowa or Jasna Gora immediately
brings this remarkable woman to my mind. I am unable
to think about that period in my life without thinking of her. Was she
an antisemite? Like other members of her family, and
almost everybody in Czestochowa, she disliked
Jews very much. She blamed Jews for most
of the troubles that Poland had ever had: economic,
social, and political. She even disliked the great Polish
national leader, Jozef Pilsudski, because "he
protected Jews". Indeed, I remember my mother crying when
Pilsudski died in 1935, for the same reason that
Stanisława Wieczorek opposed Pilsudski and rejected his ideas. But at the
same time she hid a Jewish boy in her home.
She protected me not only from outsiders, the Nazis, the hostile world,
but also from her own family. Apparently, her dislike of Jews was
one thing, but the thought of sending a Jewish boy she
knew out into the street in the cold of winter, perhaps
into the hands of the Nazis, was quite another. Perhaps she recalled
some Jews whom she had known, and who were not quite
as bad as her image of Jews in general. Perhaps this was
her reaction to the hostility which she suffered from
her adopted children. While realizing that I was a
Jew, she preferred not to talk about it and not to
confront me. In case of disclosure by the
Nazis, sheltering a Jew knowingly could mean
death for the entire family. Playing ignorant
seemed less dangerous, but if the Gestapo came, could she
prove that sheltering me was an "honest mistake"? For the
sake of one Jewish stranger she was
endangering her life and the lives of her
family in the most serious way. I did not pay her anything and
she could not expect any reward, at least not in this
world. "Pilsudski protected Jews..." Didn't she? Blessed be her
memory.
* * *
During my visit to Poland in 1989 I went to Czestochowa and tried to
locate the house at 32B Tomaszowska Street, where the Wieczoreks
had lived. However, during the past four decades,
many streets had been renamed after various generals of
World War II, communist leaders, and others. There is no
Tomaszowska Street in Czestochowa today. I met an elderly taxicab
driver who had lived in Czestochowa all his life and knew
the city well, but even he did not remember the street, and was
unable to find it. Looking for Stanisława Wieczorek 45 years after these
events, when she would be about a 100 years old, was pointless.
Wieczorek is an extremely common name in Czestochowa, and the first
names of "my" Wieczoreks were also very common. So
the track of Stanisława Wieczorek has been lost.
* * *
The situation on the eastern front changed in December 1944. On August
1, when the Warsaw Uprising had started, the front line had come to a
standstill. Praga, the eastern section of Warsaw, was conquered
by the Soviets on September 14, but otherwise very little
happened during the next three months. In December, a new Soviet
offensive started. Every day, familiar sounding names of
Polish towns were in the news, as they
were liberated from German occupation. The front line
was approaching Czestochowa, and the battle for the city was expected
to begin any day.
On Wednesday, January 17, 1945, I spent part of the day at the
Sommerfeld's home, helping them with some work. They lived very
close to the Jasna Gora Monastery. I left
their home in the afternoon and was at the
Virgin Mary Avenue, when shots were heard, and
several Soviet tanks appeared in the street. I was about 25
meters (85 feet) away from a tank that was hit
by a German missile and started burning. A crew member crawled out of
the tank, but was immediately hit
by a bullet. I saw him falling, apparently dead.
There were bullets everywhere, and I ran to the nearest
apartment house for protection. Unfortunately, the
gate was locked. About 10 people squeezed closely
against that gate, so firmly that
we almost flattened out, and everybody felt
protected by others. None of us was hurt. I do not remember how long
the battle lasted. When it was over, it was dark. People started
dispersing. I ran to the Placek's home, which was nearby,
and they let me stay overnight. A refugee
family was staying with them, so
all the beds and sofas were occupied, but after witnessing the
recent battle, the floor was comfortable enough. Next day I saw
Polish and Soviet soldiers in the streets. We were liberated.
The window-panes in all the stores along Virgin Mary Avenue and
adjacent streets were broken, providing an easy way for looters to
enter and carry out goods. Many did, and
the stores were quickly emptied. I happened to pass by a large
shoe-store at the corner of Virgin Mary and Wolnosci Avenues.
Looters were carrying out loads of boxes without even
bothering to look at their contents. I looked at
my wooden clogs, then at the wide-open door. It was
obvious that the store would be completely emptied within
minutes. After a short struggle with my conscience, I
entered the store and looked around, trying to
find just one pair of shoes for myself. But everybody else was faster
and more efficient, and I was pushed
around. Eventually, between heaps of empty boxes on the floor, I
managed to find two shoes in two different shades of
brown, not a pair, but one right and one left, both
several sizes too large. I wrapped my feet in several layers of
paper and some rags, to make them fit the shoes. They felt
comfortable. Walking out of the store, I left my clogs
behind. At home, Antek ridiculed the appearance of the two unmatched
shoes, but Mrs. Wieczorek said that they looked almost like a
pair, and forgave my participation in the looting.
In Gabriel's room we planned our next move. We had to
return to Warsaw as soon as possible. Before the Uprising, Stella
and her two children lived in Praga (the borough east of Vistula), at
63 Targowa Street. They must be found. Praga had not been destroyed,
and the chances were that Stella would still be
there, waiting for Gabriel, for me, and
for Jozek, whose participation in the Uprising
and whereabouts were still unknown to us. Trains were not
running yet, and it was generally assumed that they
would first be converted to the wide-track Soviet system,
which would postpone their operation for a long time. Because
there was no other means of transportation, I would have to
make the 250 km (155 miles) trip between Czestochowa and Warsaw by
foot. Gabriel could not. In World War I he had lost all his toes,
and since then used special orthopedic shoes and a walking stick. He
would have to wait for the trains, no matter how long it would
take. He gave me some money for the trip. The Wieczoreks also advised
me to go to Warsaw to try to find my parents as soon as
possible.
Walking all the way by foot would be difficult. I remembered the 12 km
trek to the Kaziks in Rudniki, which had lasted all
day and exhausted me. However, there was busy
military traffic on the roads, in all directions, and some
drivers might be willing to take a hitchhiker along. The Wieczoreks
advised me to take some bottles of vodka
as a bait for drivers, and purchased two bottles for
me. I would stand at the roadside with a bottle in hand,
and tempt the drivers to stop and take me along.
Several days after the liberation, equipped with some bread, two
bottles of vodka, and a parcel with all my belongings, I went to the
road leading from Czestochowa to Piotrkow and took up position,
holding one of my bottles high up in the air, to attract the
attention of military drivers.